TPLF: The Radical – a Response to Dagmawi’s Article

By Tangible Assefa, April 26, 2008

My article includes background information (to help my readers understand the whole situation), arguments against Dagmawi’s flawed arguments (posted in his website) and finally a concluding remark.

I. Background information

Opposition by the different parts of the nation (especially by the Tigrigna people) to the Ethiopian government started during Emperor Menelik's reign. For instance, in 1896 Menelik, who opposed Italy's territorial designs on Ethiopia, deployed about 80,000 army into Tigray without adequate provisions, thereby forcing the soldiers to live off the land or to loot the farmers ( in the strict sense).

 Forty years later, when fascist Italy's forces invaded Ethiopia, the main battlefield was again in Tigray, and once again the inhabitants suffered. In 1943, after the Allied Powers had defeated Italy and Haile Selassie had returned to Ethiopia, peasants revolted against the imperial regime. Government forces, supported by British units, suppressed the revolt which was followed by air-raid on civilians. The emperor then imposed a harsh peace on Tigray. This popular peasant resistance with no organized leadership was popularly called the First Woyane.

The student movement (1960 – 1974) popularly known in the Ethiopian history raised a number of timely issues criticizing the exploitation of the peasants and the corruption of the administration. The Movement strongly opposed the Imperial system that resisted bringing meaningful socioeconomic and political reforms in the country. The Movement, aspiring for a change, was predominantly influenced by Marxist-Leninist political thoughts. Their political activism galvanized the masses into action. As a result, the country witnessed the 1974 bloody revolution, which eventually consumed the life of many of those students.

The first sign of open resistance to the Mengistu regime in Tigray (where the rebellion became known as the Second Woyane (or Woyane), occurred in October 1974. In the early 1970s a grouping of Tigrean revolutionaries formed the Tigrian National Organization (TNO). During the 1974 popular uprising, TNO played an important role in mobilizing the people of Tigray. Later, Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), whose goals included the overthrow of the Mengistu regime, the establishment of a "more democratic" government, and the removal of all foreign military bases from Ethiopia – was formed.

II. Immature and flawed arguments by Dagmawi.

The writer asked what the sources of TPLF wisdom are. I will explain the wisdom of TPLF soon but let me make one point very clear. It is important to understand that there were a number of political entities (or parties in the loose sense) which were organized mainly along ethnic lines. Generally all the parties were the result of the ailing system. However, there were considerable differences in clearly understanding and analyzing the situation that existed at that time. The problems were diverse – political, economic and social. Thus there was a need for a leadership (or a political party) that can understand and analyze the situation in its entirety. Not only understanding the internal political and economic dynamics but also a good grasp of the international scenario was important to adequately address the crisis.

In this respect it was TPLF (EPRDF) that was able to understand the crisis Ethiopia was in and moved forward to addressing the political needs of the society. The very fact that TPLF (EPRDF) was born from the public made it to better understand the basic questions of the people of Ethiopia. What were the basic questions – political, economic, etc - the Ethiopian peoples were asking during that time? This is not an easy question and I may not be exhaustive in this short article. However, in my understanding the sources of all popular appraisals (and formation of a number of political parties) were mainly two.

1) Political right deprivation

First, the feudal system in Ethiopia failed to recognize that power lies in the hands of the people. Ethiopia was totally forgotten that it is the home of above 80 nations, nationalities and peoples (NNPs). All NNPs demanded to use their right to speak in their languages, to develop their culture and history. In short, the NNPs demanded to determine their own destiny i.e. the right to self-determination. NNPs were sanctioned to get served in courts by the language they do not understand. There were cases that a farmer needs to travel to the central part of the nation to appeal from peripheral areas as every power was vested in the Imperial regime.

The dictator (Derg) pretended it addresses the question of NNPs by establishing a kind of Research Institute that was supposed to study the Ethiopian languages, history and cultures. However, it was a pseudo-Institute as the military junta was preoccupied to give a “painkiller” to those who showed difference in ideology (consolidated thinking). It is true that the Derg appeared to recognize the NNPs. However, what matters is beyond recognition – taking a credible action that fully addresses their question by putting their right to self-determination (including cessation) in the Constitution. Therefore it is easy to understand that the right to self-determination (which embraces use of one’s language, developing one’s history, culture, etc among other things) remained to be a basic question in the Ethiopian political history until 1991. It is the TPLF (EPRDF) that effectively understood this was indeed the main problem and without giving a very credible solution to that it is virtually uneasy to address other political problems. And hence Ethiopia has stopped once and for all to be the prison of NNPs. The present day Ethiopia is quite different in many ways – it is built up on the free will and mutual respect of NNPs where all aspirations and ideas of NNPs are entertained by their very people and institutions. In fact, the establishment of democratic institutions and cultures is at its infant stage as it is not easy to change the democratic culture of a nation which has been under imperial rule for quite long time.

2) Economic deprivation

I will grossly put all problems related to economic deprivation in to the umbrella of “the issue of land in Ethiopia”. Land is an important factor for agricultural production. Here let me make myself clear the point I am going to address. I am not going to discuss “the issue of land ownership and agricultural productivity” – I will come to it in my next article. In this article I will try to explain how land was an important political question in the Ethiopian history since the feudal system.

Land reform was made in different countries at different times as a means to achieve equitable distribution of income and enhancing productivity. Land in many feudal states (including Ethiopia) was accumulated in the hands of the landlords and peasants served as tenants. This led to a wide gap in income distribution between the landlords and tenants – which was a main social instability. Thus the slogan “land to the tillers” was very common in many countries. Not landlessness but also problems such as unfair tributes to the royal family and regional governors were very common. Historically, Ethiopia was divided into the northern highlands, which constituted the core of the old Christian kingdom, and the southern highlands, most of which were brought under imperial rule by conquest. This north-south distinction was reflected in land tenure differences. The 1974 revolution brought some changes. For example, the church lost all its land. However, the problem was not solved despite the loud slogan of “land to the tillers” by the military junta. . The state owned large tracts of agricultural land known as “mengist” and “maderia”. Mengist was land registered as government property, and maderia was land granted mainly to government officials, war veterans, and other patriots in lieu of a pension or salary. Government land comprised about 12 percent of the country's agricultural land.

The TPLF also from its very inception believed that was a source of many economic problems and started to solve even before it came to power. It started land redistribution in the liberated areas of Tigray in the 1980s.

It is these basic questions of the time that many other parties (outside EPRDF) failed to fully understand and address. The mystery that the EPRDF was able to mobilize from one corner of the country to another was its capacity to make good analysis of the complex situation of the time. It has proved that EPRDF was peoples’ party in terms of listening to the heart beat of the public.

Now let me come back to the questions the writer has raised. The questions mainly focus on party wisdom (in my interpretation – basic party philosophy or ideology or human capital) and governance. I am not going to have a say on the four additional points he raised for discussion. A scientific methodology in the science of reasoning tells us that one needs to first identify and critically analyze a problem to get a remedy. Knowledge or innovation is usually a result of a problem (be it practical or theoretical) and application of well established theories to real world problem comes after a careful scrutiny of an existing problem.

In this respect, unlike the previous governments (especially Menelik and Hailessie) who had the custom of depending on the “the white man” to solve internal affairs. Foreign technical assistance is well come but it should not suppress indigenous knowledge; one good quality of the TPLF (EPRDF) is to use home grown knowledge and practices. I guess that the writer is well versed in his knowledge of socialism and socialist block but his knowledge of Ethiopian political dynamism and TPLF is poor. He made an immature conclusion that TPLF leaders were ignorant of the contemporary issues and theories to run a modern state. In my understanding, no opposition party and /or an elite scholar know TPLF and its philosophical history. TPLF was (and is) an institution – where it has gone through a number of evolutionary stages. TPLF people had a strong vision that one day (not long); they will defeat that dictator and run a state. Thus not only waging war against the dictator but also their activities were geared towards fulfilling their vision of running a modern state which has been under imperial and dictator rule for long. The writer does not know that TPLF has an all-rounded training to their members such as formal education (starting from literacy to contemporary issues of Ethiopia and the world). The writer does not know the radical Woyane schools in the liberated areas of Tigray. The present day Mekelle University was the business school of Woyane. The writer does not know that TPLF established a modern judiciary system called “the Baito system” in areas under its control at the beginning of 1980s. Many innovations in the areas of engineering, soil, crafts, etc were common in the TPLF camp. I recommend the writer to read about TPLF and its historical evolution.

Recent books on contemporary issues of the time were in their hands. In fact, not quite a few leaders were “inhuman readers”. What is more surprising was that the books were interpreted to Tigrigna so that all members up to the lower level understand world dynamics. I do not understand how the writer perceives a social scientist. In my view one who clearly identifies and understands a social problem and innovates a remedy for it may be considered as a social scientist. Going up through the ladder of formal education is a necessary condition but it is not a sufficient condition to be a social scientist. It is possible to mention quite a great number of social scientists who are self-thought. For that matter, the TPLF leaders and high level cadres earned their degrees starting from the late 1980s. Then how on earth can the writer blindly conclude that they were ignorant and inexperienced.

It is not surprising that TPLF’s ideology was predominantly Marxism-Leninism in the 1970s up to the mid 1980s. This was not typical to Ethiopian youngsters; the thinking, in fact, influenced the world very much until it was abandoned by many when the Eastern bloc collapsed. The TPLF leaders showed a high degree of flexibility in the sense that they made a quick shift in paradigm to a liberalized economy based on market principles. Though it is quite difficult to measure the “wisdom” – to use the writer’s word – of a party, credible organizational structure, human capital, strong ideology which emanates from the very value system, history and life style of the people, discipline and party programs are taken as important indicators of strength of a party. Taking these indicators EPRDF is on the top, while other opposition parties will receive a negligible value. The writer did not specify how he measures wisdom. Most of the statements he made are immature and unsupported.

III. A concluding remark:

Democracy starts to work well when it becomes part of our value system. This simply implies that it cannot be imposed from outside. Of course, there is a consensus that there are common principles of democracy, governance and running a stage in general shared by many. To this end, some indicators to measure good governance and democratic practices have been developed by UNDP, UN and other international organizations. However, the establishment of democratic institutions with in a state emanates from the very value system of the people of a nation. With a satisfactory understanding of internal dynamics and value systems of the people, the initial point should be to effectively use indigenous knowledge (in Ethiopia such as the Gada system of the Oromo and the Baito system of Tigray – to mention some). Then, of course, one has to enrich these indigenous knowledge through the application of relevant state theories and country experiences (both successes and failures).