Is There Anybody with Better Advice for the New Millennium?
Desta Berhe
Oct 1, 2007
While I was browsing through the cyber world a week ago I saw an article entitled “Beyond the Millennium, Beyond Illusion and Cynicism, and the Challenges of Development” written by Dr. Ghelawdewos Araia (I suggest readers to read Dr. Ghelawdewos’ articles first: www.africanidea.org/beyond_millennium.html). I started reading it till I was caught by an expression that says: ‘…more specifically the Meles regime…’ in the third line of the second paragraph. I thought I know the meaning of the word ‘regime’ but I was forced to question my understanding and hurry for a dictionary. The meaning of ‘regime’ (noun) says ‘a method and system of government, especially one that has not been elected in a fair way’. And that was my understanding of the meaning of the word. I was right and quit reading the article. Today, I gave it a second chance, and I am forwarding my reflection about it.
Dr. Ghelawdewos’ article portrays that the EPRDF was not elected in a fair way to be the Government of Ethiopia. Every election in the civilized world is labeled as ‘not fair’, at least, by those who lost those elections and their supporters. But, are we going to give it a damn? What is fair anyways? In any elections, fairness is usually evident in statements of those who opted to provide reflections, genuine or otherwise, about those elections. We usually have it (fairness) as someone declares like this: “It would have been fair had ‘A’ won the election over ‘B’.” When will it be fair for ‘B’? As “A” wins and someone else declares: “It would have been fair had ‘B’ won the election over ‘A’.” We rarely witness fair election from the actual process for we are rarely ready to judge the process of the election scientifically. Where is the lack of fairness of the election that kept EPRDF in office?
The article (with certainty) states that “Ethiopians are too divided to close ranks against a perceived or real political force that could potentially wrought damage to the Ethiopian socio-political fabric”. First, whom are those Ethiopians who are too divided? I am always puzzled by the politically Wax and Gold (Semna Worq) words and phrases like ‘Ethiopians’, ‘Ethiopia’, ‘the Ethiopian People’, etc. Who are those Ethiopians? Who are they? Isn’t Ethiopia home to every other person from Rama to Moyalle, from Gambella to Asa’eta, from Bure to Metema, from Zalambesa to Arba Minch? Is there another Ethiopia out there? Who and who are divided? Dear Dr. Ghelawdewos, go to www.flickr.com, search for ‘Ethiopian People’ and browse for photos of different Ethiopian ethnicities. And tell us from whom are those people too divided! Those Ethiopians who aim for political power and their supporters are indeed divided. And this phenomenon is not new. We can trace it back to the Era of Chronicles (Zamane Mesafnt) or beyond. No extrapolation here. Moreover, there is no any arithmetic relationship depicting “Ethiopians” equals to “Urbanites”, thus, no extrapolation here, either. Those Ethiopians (Diasporas) who are supposed to share a burden of mammoth magnitude are too small to share a burden of such a magnitude, though even part of the group is enough to be an obstacle oftentimes. The problem here is not the failing of those Ethiopians to a peripheral role. The problem is their failure to know that they can only have a peripheral role.
I tried to understand the four points the article suggested that Ethiopians should recognize. And I could not avoid saying: ‘Ethiopians who?’ The sources of the perceived and apparent problems are not all the nearly 80 million Ethiopians. They cannot be the ones who are capable and responsible to solve those perceived and apparent problems either. The elites (politicians and intellectuals) are both the source of the problems and potentially the source of the solutions. Stick to them. Furthermore, the article depicts about the presence of ‘unforgiving political landscape’. Unforgiving for whom? For those Ethiopian children who dream to go to school? For those Ethiopian mothers and sister who dream to have running water only half a mile away? For those Ethiopian pastoral communities who dream to have water hole few miles away? For those Ethiopian communities who dream to have a clinic one hour-walk away? Or for those who dream to grab political power by hook or by crook? There is one thing unforgiving, though: Unforgiving behavior that hinders one to find and take whose correct position in the political pyramid.
The fourth suggestion of the article appears so funny to me. It begins like this: “Ethiopians also should not harbor illusion that the present government of Ethiopia will bring about fundamental change. Here a quick caveat is imperative: I am neither implying nor cynically suggesting that the current regime is neither interested nor engaged in change.” What a dilemma? I know a person who made sort of similar statement. But that person was faced with real dilemma. Real one! It was in the early 1980s in Edaga Hamus (Agame). TPLF made an offensive against the Dergue around Edaga Hamus (Mamma, Dimolo, Gunaguna, Koma Subaha). All government military, paramilitary and administrators of the town and that of the District (Subaha Saese’e) were called for and engaged in defense. Among them was a Holy Father (Priest), who happened to be the chairperson of (I think) the District’s Farmers Association. To make matters worst, the Holy Father was chosen to brief the public about the ‘counter offensive’ after the conclusion of the incident. It was in Tigrinya, and his briefing goes nearly like this. “We wouldn’t say we did fire. We wouldn’t say we didn’t fire either. We wouldn’t say we did kill. We wouldn’t say we didn’t kill either. Anyways, having our Holy Cross in one hand and our Kalashnikov in the other, we will move on.” He couldn’t say he didn’t fire and killed because he was supposed to do that. He couldn’t say he did fire and killed either because he is a Priest. But I can only guess why should Dr. Ghelawdewos put himself into such kind of dilemma. It is difficult to please both the EPRDF and its Opponents at the same time. There is no such thing “Hulet Wof Band Dingai” or “Band Dingai Hulet Wof” here. The truth of the matter is that EPRDF is engaged in change.
I am not a person who can get into discussions and provide expert explanations about economic development. But I understand that EPRDF is taking the avenue of developing the economy through government intervention in democratic developmental state. Dr. Ghelawdewos is providing list of factors that affect EPRDF’s vision and mission: Corruption, Transformation Agency, Peace, Collective Wisdom and Intellectuals and/or Professionals.
Corruption and Transformative Agency: Meles says, “…Government created rent does not necessarily have to be socially wasteful. It becomes wasteful only if solely self-interested maximizing individuals use it to create wealth at the expense of society and only if the state is incapable of improving on the market – i.e. there are no market failures.” And Dr. Ghelawdewos says, “…It has to be clear, however, that the ‘self-interested individual’ that catapulted the capitalist development in Europe is markedly different from the self-interested corrupt African officials. The former was essentially progressive (in light of overall historical development).” Who are those ‘self-interested individuals’ in Meles’ statement? I think they are all or part of Dr. Ghelawdewos’ ‘transformation agency’. But be reminded that Meles’ statement is not talking about any corrupt officials let alone to consider them as ‘transformative agency’. But Dr. Ghelawdewos assumes that the ‘transformative agency’ in Africa is none other than corrupt government officials. If Dr. Ghelawdewos is forwarding his disagreement or skepticism about Meles’ thesis because the ‘transformation agency’ in Africa is corrupt governments officials, my answer will be ‘no body said that’. I think the transformation agency in Meles’ developmental state are the L’matawi Balehabt, as they often call them. However, let us assume that this is no the case and reach to a consensus that the vision of developmental state will not be realized or is difficult to realize because of corruption. There is nothing to get us disappointed for corruption is a social ill that we have to fight anyway.
Peace: Dr. Ghelawdewos says, ‘peace is an important dividend for development’. We agree. But let us learn one lesson we should never forget for a minute. There was no peace in the horn of Africa for so long. There will not be peace in the near future either. So, peace in Ethiopia can only be realized this way: By building Military Might capable of ensuring peace. Nothing more nothing less!
Collective Wisdom: The appeal for EPRDF to involve the opposition and other Ethiopians for ensuring the presence of collective wisdom is theoretically perfect. But, the idea reminds me the reply of the famous Wedi Fantaye of Adigrat: Kambosya Sire’lo Agame Adey? I think the problem is not the absence of collective wisdom. It is the lack of ‘opposition of some wisdom’. Thus, if ‘wisdom’ is going to be brought into the equation of development, lack of it (in the opposition) is going to be important.
Intellectuals and/or Professionals: No body would deny the importance of the expertise of intellectuals and/or professionals. But the argument that states that EPRDF is failing to attract Ethiopian professionals to get involved in the development endeavors of their country is simply an excuse. The government tirelessly calls Ethiopian professionals at home and in the Diaspora to play their role at every opportunity. First of all, any Ethiopian who is really so concerned about her/his country does not need the invitation or the will of the government. It is their obligation and responsibility after all. Dr. Ghelawdewos, you are asking the government to stop hiring expatriates (Indians, Nigerians, etc.) for its newly open universities. If you get this bold to raise your disagreement of hiring expatriates, allow me to be too bold and ask you the following question. Have you ever tried to contact any of officials of the newly opened university and applied for employment? My advice is don’t expect the government to eulogize every other intellectual/professional.
I am sorry if I am getting rude. But let me close my reflection by decoding Dr. Ghelawdewos statement about this particular issue.
He writes:
If the Meles regime is indeed in favor of ‘educated and healthy workforce, world-class managers and professionals,’ it should openly extend its hands to all Ethiopians, especially those who are scattered all over the Diaspora.
Which means:
The Meles regime is indeed not in favor of ‘educated and healthy workforce, world-class managers and professionals,’ thus it wouldn’t openly extend its hands to all Ethiopians, especially those who are scattered all over the Diaspora.
That goes without saying that:
Since the Meles regime wouldn’t openly extend its hands to Dr. Ghelawdewos, he has a ‘good reason’ not to commit himself.
I am pretty sure that so many intellectuals share such kind of an excuse. Should any sane government engage itself more than it should be to entertain a group with such a behavior?