Somalia is key battleground in the global
war on terror.
In Somalia there is, for
the first time since 1991, the prospect of the establishment of a national
government with some semblance of authority. This will not be an easy task and
could be jeopardized by the general reluctance to send peacekeepers.
Washington remains traumatised by the Black Hawk down disaster
of 1993 when 18 American soldiers deployed to the country on a humanitarian
mission were killed in urban warfare, their bodies dragged through the streets.
Other countries have been deterred by the fact that Bin Laden,
who welcomed the rise to power of the Islamic Courts, has repeatedly called on
Muslims to resist any peacekeeping force dispatched to Somalia.
The hundreds (possibly thousands) of foreign fighters who joined
with the Islamic Courts have announced their intention to continue the struggle
through guerrilla warfare, meaning that Somalia needs an international
peacekeeping force as a matter of urgency.
But, so far, only Ethiopia are the only one
helping the war on terrorism in somalia , a sad commentary on the
short-sightedness of the world's strategic vision.
For the war on terrorism is not a Middle Eastern issue but a
global one, if Somalia lapses back into chaos it will once more become a haven
for terrorists and prove that we have still not learnt one of the key lessons
of 9/11: a terrorist sanctuary
NO TO HR2003 Support Our allies
A POSITION PAPER ON
THE CURRENT SITUATION IN SOMALIA
A NATION UNDER SIEGE
AND A GLIMMER OF HOPE – PART 2
THE TRANSITIONAL
FEDERAL GOVERNMENT (TFG): THE ONLY VIABLE TOOL TO MOVE US FORWARD
We, the Somali people, are at cross roads and
must choose between anarchy and peace. We must choose as the options and the
time are very limited. We must choose between having a country, nation, state
and a tribal fiefdom at the mercy of other nations. We must choose between
war/conflict and dialogue and peace. We must choose a better and a brighter
future without forgetting the past.
Currently we have The Transitional Federal
Government (TFG) which we agree is not the best institution but all the same,
we must support this nascent institution as it is the only choice left for
Somalia. We must support it for the simple reason that it is a conscious choice
between a glimmer of hope and a total chaos and anarchy, considering that since
the onset of the civil war, all of our fundamental institutions collapsed;
institutions such as the central government, regional institutions, municipal
institutions, health, education, legal and commercial institutions. The TFG
represents an institutional memory bank that can be built upon for a future
reconstitution of the Somali state, not to mention all other contingent
institutions thereof. For this, we believe, that in a spirit of good will, the
TFG must be supported by the Somali public. Instead of expending energy and
resources in the weakening and destruction of this weak institution, it is
better to engage in building and correcting it so that we can have a better
system of governance for a better tomorrow.
But the proponents of anarchy and lawlessness,
in collaboration with the Nairobi based International NGO's (Lords of Poverty)
have been disseminating all kinds of fraudulent arguments in order to derail
the agendas of the TFG and its on-going Reconciliation Conference. The
proponents of anarchy include opportunists and business groups who prospered in
the chaos and lawlessness, Islamists with extremist and discriminatory agenda,
politicians who lost their political power and the renegade former members of
the Parliament who are currently based in Eritrea. The latter group has
miserably failed to propose any practical conflict resolution model to bring
peace to the nation. Because of their lack of vision and their politically
bankrupt and simplistic platform, they are stuck with a pathologically mutated
form of nationalism that adheres to the support of most radical forms of
terrorism and the indiscriminate killing of innocent civilians under a dubious
and phony pretext of defending the country from Ethiopia. Their brand of PSEUDO
NATIONALISM is aimed at cavalierly destroying life, limp and property while
ignoring Somalia's common enemies of war, poverty, hunger, diseases, and
illiteracy and all this in the name of tribe or personal interest. All members
of the international community and peace loving people in the world have
expressed outrage at their tactics of hire-for-terror and violence in which
they kill any leader in Mogadishu who stands up to help his/her people. Many
young leaders have already died, NOT in the hands of foreign troops, but by the
bullets, mortars and bombs of the merciless insurgents hired by Islamic Courts
Union (ICU) and its foreign supporters. Such tactics of enforcing blindly a
radical political Islam has exposed their motive of destruction and violence to
the rest of the world, and will eventually reduce them to nothing more than a
mere nuisance that incessantly disrupts the daily lives of Mogadishu's
residents and families. The scope and pith of their propaganda amounts to a
handful fraudulent themes, repeated ad nauseam, and their key arguments stand
to be exposed for the fraud they are.
ARGUMENT#1: THAT THE ICU WAS THE BEST CHOICE
FOR SOMALIA
The Islamic courts came to prominence in June
2006. Prior to that, the only Islamic courts on the scene were a disparate
collection of clan-specific courts more known for chopping the hands of the
poor, minorities and the militarily unprotected civilians of Mogadishu and
elsewhere in the south, than for any political agenda. Not only that, the
progenitor institutions of the ICU were in cahoots with the business
enterprises and anarchists of Mogadishu to the extent that when the TFG moved
to Jowhar in the fall of 2005, you could spot in Balcad in a show of force, the
majority of the notorious personalities of the as yet not formed ICU breaking
bread with all Mogadishu warlords, including prominent business personalities.
How far deep were the Islamic Courts in cahoots with the business enterprises
with whom they co-existed in a cesspool of injustice, anarchy and mayhem for
the past 16 years?
The infamous CIA funded war between the
Islamic Courts and the so-called Anti-terrorism Alliance was not really a war
of ideologies but rather a business/turf war that started between two business
adversaries: The extremists wagered on one and the warlords bet on the other,
and the winner was the one fronted, armed and spoken for by the extremists now
constituted itself as the ICU. Yet the genesis of that war and the current
belligerent resistance to the TFG's relocation to Mogadishu were/are nothing
but an attempt by the defenders of the status quo to preserve the monopolistic
stranglehold they had on the public infrastructure such as ports, airports,
highways, ocean lanes, and the illegal control of southern regions of Somalia
and thus uphold the status quo; a status quo that dealt in unregulated
legitimate as well illegitimate businesses while impoverishing millions of
Somali citizens in Mogadishu, Lower Shabelle and Juba regions.
As soon as the ICU began lording over
Mogadishu, it also began to believe that it was the governing party of the
country, and embarked on promulgating primitive edicts that banned television,
pictures, the mixing of genders and also started flogging the people in public
places for such innocuous transgressions as not wearing a beard. All this in a
country and culture that has never subscribed to this alien extreme political
form of Islam that is long on symbolism but very short on substance. These
clan-warlords-turned Islamists did bring briefly a semblance of relative peace
in Mogadishu but it is fallacious to equate the whole of Somalia to Mogadishu.
Yet it was obvious that they lacked any real national structured governance
agenda other than to converge their various disjointed clan and Jihadist
agendas. The ICU even failed to manage Mogadishu for a significant period of
time; instead, because of the short-sightedness of its leaders, it stirred a
lot of fear as it believed that it was a representative of Allah. The ICU did
not stop there but began to believe that they were invincible and then
recklessly invited foreign fighters in to the country and as a result sucked
the country into the vortex of the international Global Jihadist movement by
openly calling Jihad on bordering countries.
Their reckless and out of control behavior
triggered the presence of Ethiopian troops in Mogadishu today. Why would anyone
who is concerned of the suffering of the Somali people invite foreign fighters
to Somalia and drag the country into a regional war? The answer is simply that
the ICU leadership have always been and still are driven by individual and clan
interests as their actions in Mogadishu, Lower Shabelle and Lower Jubba
indicated.
ARGUMENT# 2: THAT ETHIOPIA IS AN ETERNAL ENEMY
OF SOMALIA AND THAT IT HAS AN IMPERIAL AGENDA ON SOMALIA.
It is ludicrous to entertain the thought that,
at the dawn of the 21st Century when almost all Africans completed the
re-claimation of their independence and statehood from Western colonial powers;
that an African country, in this case Ethiopia, will embark on imperial designs
on another African country, unless; of course, its leadership is hallucinating.
That might explain why, for the past 16 years, without a central government and
in the midst of chaos, Ethiopia with its state and military apparatus intact
did not invade and permanently occupy our country. It only came in when the ICU
threatened to conduct its next prayer rituals in Addis Ababa, the Ethiopian
capital.
Another factor negating the likelihood that
Ethiopia has imperial designs on our country is the fact that the two countries
share a long unprotected border in one of the most dangerous international
Ghettos (or 'Hood if you like) ever. Ethiopia is a nation state comprised of
about 70 or odd ethnic communities speaking 70 different languages and also
nursing 70 or more different grievances. The likelihood of settling scores will
have a far more dangerous effect on Ethiopia than any other country in the Horn
of Africa. It is in the interest of Ethiopia to have a good, peaceful and
principled neighbor in the 'Hood, a neighbor that is organized as a state,
nation or country and not along clan lines.
Moreover, Ethiopia cannot have a realistic
imperial agenda per se. It simply does not meet all the necessary conditions
relevant to a nation with an imperial agenda: It is a very poor African country
that itself is a victim to the vagaries of the dominant imperial/colonial and
economic powers of the past and present; it is busting at the seams with a
young population that it cannot feed, house, educate, nor provide for its basic
health; it is an impoverished nation that depends on foreign aid for its
crucial economic and social development. For all these reasons, unless the
Ethiopian leadership is deluded, Ethiopia can not have an imperial ambition
because it does not meet the conditions necessary for imperial aspirations.
More importantly, Ethiopia is a fragile and unstable nation and cannot sustain
an imperial agenda as this would be costly to it in many ways.
We must also put a STOP to the other big lie
that Ethiopia and Somalia are eternal enemies. If we reflect on world history
there is no such thing as an eternal enemy. Many countries that fought vicious
wars in the past, today enjoy a healthy and friendly political relationship;
France and Germany, Japan, Russia and USA, just to name few examples. Somalia
and Ethiopia have never gone to war on their own accord, but that as two poor
African and third world countries, they have been forced to become pawns in
imperial wars that were fought over world economic and hegemonic interests by
imperialists. In 1977, the Somali/Ethiopian war was one among many theatres of
the cold war, the other theatres being Vietnam, Cambodia, Angola, and Mozambique.
We were pawns, plain and simple and our two poor countries were militarily set
up against each other by the cold warriors, a sad episode that can only explain
the vast stockpiles of weapons left in the backyards of many African countries
at the end of the cold war.
All of this should explain why there is nay a
word from the international community, nor from the EU, nor from the UN, nor
from the AU about the Ethiopian presence representing a latter day imperial
adventure. As a matter of fact, all the communiqués and policy pronouncements
from these regional and international bodies nuance their statements with a
proviso that unless a replacement contingent either from the AU or the UN can
be deployed, Ethiopia must not withdraw from Somalia lest such action creates a
vacuum.
This is not to suggest that Ethiopia should
stay in our country to prop up the TFG indefinitely. Granted that there are
precedents for the principle that African problems demand African solutions in
the case of Nigeria taming the West African nations of Liberia and Sierra Leone
in its 'Hood, it is our opinion that Ethiopia should ultimately withdraw out of
Somalia under optimal political conditions, one of which condition is the
deployment of replacement peacekeeping contingent preferably and predominantly
African in constitution.
However, it seems such rational proposal does
not sit well with the anti-TFG contingent. In a recent statement from Asmara,
Sheriff Ahmed, a key Leader of the ICU, stated defiantly that even if the Ethiopians
withdrew and were replaced by other African peacekeepers the ICU and their
international Jihadist allies will continue their insurgency. Such statements
graphically expose the hypocrisy and the lies propagated by ICU and their
Somali Diaspora cheerleaders and apologists who always, with a shrill voice,
proclaim that the Ethiopian presence is an obstacle to reconciliation.
ARGUMENT#3: THAT THE NATIONAL RECONCILIATION
CONFERENCE IS A SHAM AND THAT THE TFG LEADERSHIP DOES NOT HAVE THE SUPPORT OF
THE SOMALI PUBLIC
Delegates at National Reconciliation
Conference in Mogadishu, Somalia
The TFG leadership has delivered its promise
of holding a broad based reconciliation conference inside Somali soil, and it
did so despite all the odds against it, given the bad deck of cards it had been
dealt under the circumstances.
For the first time in 17 years, a relatively
broad based national reconciliation conference has been in session in Mogadishu
since July 15, 2007, and based on the proceedings of the conference, it is
going on as well as might have been imagined or expected. Clan elders,
religious leaders, intellectuals and representatives of different Somali
communities were given a fair and a level-playing field to choose their own
delegates independently and with no influence from manipulating foreign hands.
The overwhelming participation and the willingness of these brave delegates to
come and listen to each other's concern have already signaled success and
registered the legitimacy of the conference and inclusiveness of the process
through which the delegates were selected. To his credit, the Chairman of the
Reconciliation Conference, Mr. Ali Mahdi Mohamed, in his spirited and moving
inaugural speech of the conference, set both the tone and tenor of the conference
by emphasizing forgiveness and tolerance. Following suit, representative clan
elders are daily voicing their communities' narratives of pain and
victimization and other elders from other clans are listening with empathy.
Nothing of this sort could have been imagined a year ago when many leaders were
expressing their anger and pain with gun fire, killings and vengeance.
Those opposed to the conference, despite
having been invited publicly and privately, disingenuously base their
opposition to the conference on several bad arguments. For example, they insist
that that the conference should have a political reconciliation thematic
format, instead of the current topic of community reconciliation, conveniently
forgetting that the TFG and its charter came into fruition as a result of the
Embgathi political reconciliation conference of 2002-2004. They also discount
the fact that there has been a 17 year civil war that had a communal and tribal
dimension to it and which unfortunately pitted clan against clan with some ugly
consequences, not to mention the mistrust index that it has considerably
raised. As the majority of the political antagonists of the past 17 years are
under the TFG tent, it was imperative to have a national reconciliation
conference that brings all the traditional leaders with moral authority and
also to hear/listen and share diverse narratives of pain, suffering and
victimization so that the Somali public can visually and psychically place
these feelings in a human context.
As it is, the conference has already produced
significant results and is moving forward, to the chagrin of the opposition
supporters, who are circulating lies around the world. The Hawiye, and Darood
clans have already admitted committing unjust and blatant atrocities against
their fellow brothers and sisters, and clans victimized by the civil war had
the fortitude and sagacity to forgive their victimizers. Yes, this conference
was about reconciliation among clans and sub-clans and it is working so far.
They have also agreed to strike out the derogatory misnomer "OTHERS",
an Arta creation, from the Somali clan identification system and discard it in
the dustbin of history. It is a step in the right direction that could lead to
a genuine reconciliation process to move the community forward. Needless to say
this conference wouldn't have materialized without the support of foreign
troops, including Ethiopian and Ugandan troops, protecting and guaranteeing the
safety of the conference at any cause.
The opponents of the conference/TFG also posit
that the conference should not have been held in Mogadishu but in a neutral
venue because Mogadishu is a city controlled by the Transitional Federal
Government troops. It is impossible to find a more neutral place to hold a
national reconciliation meeting for Somalia. Let us for a moment reflect on the
last 14 reconciliation conferences; they were all held outside of Somalia and
yet many critics, rightly or wrongly, blamed the host countries for lack of
neutrality and held them responsible for the collapse of the respective
conferences. Mogadishu is the symbol of Somali unity and there is no suitable
place other than Mogadishu to be the venue of a conference of this magnitude if
the ownership of the conference outcome has to have a Somali imprint.
This is the first reconciliation conference
that is held inside Somalia and ordinary Somalis have been given the
opportunities to express their opinion and feelings. It might not be perfect,
but it is the first face-to-face meeting in which the representatives of the
victimizers and the victims are participating on a relatively equal capacity.
Contrary to the previous ones, there will be no individuals, tribes, foreign
countries, or international NGO and UN officials who will be manipulating the agenda
as well as the outcome of the conference. Additionally, the organizing
committee, conscious of the fact that it had initially been handpicked by the
government, skillfully pre-empted the critics and sought legitimacy from the
conference participants at the outset. After the inaugural celebration, Mr. Ali
Mahdi Mohamed and his committee asked the participants to choose independent
organizing members so that the TFG will have no influence on the conference
outcome, or that there will not be even any appearance of influence. The
participants reciprocated this goodwill gesture by unanimously re-confirming
Mr. Mahdi and his committee members to lead the conference. This was a move to
demonstrate the seriousness of the meeting and defy the critics who have labeled
Mr. Mahdi and his panel in the organizing committee for not being independent.
The opponents of peace also argue that
Mogadishu is not safe, but the question is who is behind all the Mayhem and the
indiscriminate killings? Is it TFG, or Ethiopians or Ugandan troops? The irony
here is that Ethiopians and Ugandan troops are doing everything in their
capacity to keep safe while the pseudo-nationalists are orchestrating attacks
against innocent Somalis to generate fear and desperations. It is our considerate
opinion that at a minimum about 80 to 85% of the Somali public supports the TFG
institution because they feel that it is an institution that can be corrected
and strengthened over time. Within the Somali Diaspora, support for the TFG and
the national reconciliation conference has grown, especially after the recent
visit of the Prime Minister to the United States as well as the tour in North
America of the Deputy Speaker of the TFG Parliament, Hon. Prof. Mohamed Omar
Dalha, who time and again eloquently and convincingly reminded his audiences in
many cities that the road to peace lies on dialogue and mutual understanding
and on the support of the only institution we have, the TFG.
We hope the conference to address the major
conflicts of Somalia and we pray for its success. We believe that any conflict
should and must be resolved through dialogue. We also believe that a stable and
strong Somalia is an asset to all ethnic Somalis in the Horn and will also
contribute to regional security. We finally urge the peace loving Somali public
to support the on-going reconciliation conference and the efforts of the TFG
towards a comprehensive settlement of the Somali crisis. By doing so, we will
usher together a glimmer of hope and reject anarchy, violence, instability and
chaos.
We have no other choice today but to support,
empower, and hold accountable the only viable tool for change, the Transitional
Federal Government.
——————————————————————————–
LIST OF SIGNATORIES
1) Dr. Ali Said Faqi, (Ph.D), MI (USA)
2) Avv. Abdurahman Hosh Jibril, ON (Canada)
3) Dr. Ali Bahar (Ph.D), Texas (USA)
4) Ahmed Jama Hamud, (P.Eng), ON, (USA)
5) Jamal Hassan, Ottawa, ON (USA)
6) Sagal Ali Jama, ON (USA)
7) Abdulhakim Mohamud Faqi, VA (USA)
8) Eng. Abdulkadir Ali Abdi (Xuurka), Columbus,
Ohio (USA)
9) Dr. Abdiweli M. Ali (Ph.D), NY (USA)
10) SheikhNur Abukar Qasim, MN (USA)
11) Eng. Abdulkadir Khalif, MN (USA)
12) Avv. Yusuf Said Samatar (Bardacad),
Boston, (USA)
13) Yasin Maah, Stockholm, (Sweden)
14) Abdi Hashi Seed, ON (Canada)
15) Nasir Abdi Baale, Toronto, ON (USA)
16) Eng. Mohamed Ahmed Gilao (Tennis), ON
(Canada)
17) Abdalla Hired, NY (USA)
18) Abdi Goud, Connecticut, (USA)
19) Avv. Nurto Hagi Hasan, ON (Canada)
20) Eng Mohamud Dhafuuje, ON (USA)
21) Prof. Mohamud Siad Togane, Poet, QC
(Canada)
22) Suldaan Abdulkadir Galbeyte (Ex), ON
(Canada)
23) Prof. Abdihamid H. Mohamed – Nederland
24) Prof. Abdulqadir Ismail- Manchester, (UK)
25) Eng. Jeilani Sheikh Hussein, OH (USA)
26) Eng. Rashid Guleed, IL (USA)
27) Asha Abukar Qasim , MN (USA)
28) Said Ahmed Salah, VA, (USA)
29) Abdisalaam Haji Mohamud Dheere, London,
(UK)
30) Aden Abokar, Columbus, Ohio (USA)
31) Prof. Dahabo Farah Hassan, Toronto, ON
(Canada)
32) Caaqil Mohamoud Ali Jimale (Koogaar) AZ
(USA)
33) Haji Mohamoud Ghedi Aw Hilowle MN(USA)
34) Abdifatah Maroyare, Toronto, ON (Canada)
35) Mohamud Jama Hamud , MN (USA)
36) Ismail Gaafow, ON(Canada)
37) Prof. Mohamed Siad Togane, ON (Canada)
38) Avv. Hareedo Ibrahim Boolis, Somali
Ambassador to South Korea
39) Saido Awad Muse, VA (USA)
40) Col. Mohamud Qaali Gacamey, MN (USA)
41) Sarman Ramses, VA (USA)
42) Ahmed Sharif Ahmed, VA (USA)
43) Muse Kulow, ON (Canada)
44) Bashi Hosh Jibril, ON (Canada)
45) Osman Ali Omar Sheegow, Seattle, WA (USA)
46) Suldan Said Faqi, Columbus- Ohio (USA)
47) Abdullahi Mohamed Sheikh, NC (USA)
48) Muse Ahmed Abdirahman, ON (Canada)
49) Yasin Mahamud Yusuf (Karani), Stockholm,
Sweden
50) Dr. Liiban Abdullahi Farah (Medical
Doctor), L.A. California (USA)
51) Jeilani Ahmed Adda Munye, GA (USA)
52) Safia Giama Cagmadhige, Cairo, (Egypt)
53) Omar Warfa, Toronto, ON (Canada)
54) Naima Xayle, Toronto, ON (Canada)
55) Eng. Cabdulqadir Mohamed Abow, ON (USA)
56) Prince Osman Fatah, San Diego, California
(USA)
57) Abdiaziz Abukar Baafo, MI (USA)
58) Malaq Mukhtar, MI (USA)
59) Mohamed Haji Dhagax, San Diego, California
60) Omer Jamal, Minneapolis , MN
61) Mohamed Abdi Gacmocadde, Virginia-(USA)
62) Ali Alio Mohamed, Columbus- Ohio (USA)
63) Bashir Gardaad, Montreal, Quebec (Canada)
64) Mohamed Omar Faqi, Columbus, Ohio (USA)
65) Mahdi Shakiib, Atlanta, GA (USA)
66) Sheekh Shabaab Sheekh Mumin, Minneapolis,
MN (USA)
67) Ahmed Mohamed (Ahmadey), San Diego,
(California)
68) Jeilani Mayow- Rochester, MN (USA)
69) Hassan Shire Sheikh, Kampala, (Uganda)
70) Yusuf Mumin Maio'- London, (UK)
71) Col. Abdi Daad, Ontario (Canada)
72) Col. Abdirahamn Ahmed Yare (Maan),
Toronto, ON (USA)
73) Liban Hassan Abdi, Phoenix, AZ (USA)
74) Halima Farah, Denmark
75) Hussein SH. Abdulqadir, NC (USA)
76) Hassan Yusuf, VA (USA)
77) Amin Abu Hadi, Ohio (USA)
78) Safi Abdi, Dubai, (UAE)
79) Prof Mohamed Jibril (USA/Minnesota)
80) Haji Hussein Jimale MN (USA)
81) Abdulle Hassan Nuurow , MN (USA)
82) Dr. Ibrahim Mao Osman (Ghandi) California
(USA)
83) Osman Mohamed Sheikh, MN (USA)
84) Sheikh Ali Hussein Jaras, MN (USA)
85) Abdirizaq Jamac Janagale, Alberta,
(Canada)
86) Adan Abdulle Howle, Alberta, (Canada)
87) Abraham Koshin, Alberta, (Canada)
88) Hassan Siad Togane, MN (USA)
89) Sheikh Hassan Ali Alassow, MN (USA)
90) Haji Abdi Mouse Maahaay,MN (USA)
91) Mas'uud Sheikh Amir, MN (USA)
92) Ahmed Mohamed Afrah (Shutul), MN (USA)
93) Caydiid Ali Hassan, MN (USA)
94) Dayib Sheikh Ahmed, VA (USA)
95) Ali Isse Ahmed, MN (USA)\
96) Abdirahman Mussa (timadheere), Toronto, ON
(USA)
97) Eng. Osman Ali Ahmed (Dheere), Toronto, ON
(USA)
98) Mukhtar Mohamed Ahmed (Katiitow), MN (USA)
99) Abdulqadir Omar Ahmed, MN (USA)
100) Abucar Yusuf Hassan
101) Adan Abdi, Islamabad, (Pakistan)
102) Shukri Tohow Mohamed, MN (USA)
103) Madina Hussein Jeyte, MN (USA)
104) Hawo Mohamed Abdulle, MN (USA)
105) Macallim Ahmed Halane, MN (USA)
106) Abdiaziz Omar Hussein, VA (USA)
107) Abdiaziz Osman Sheikh, VA (USA)
108) Abbas Abdi Maxaad-Isse, VA (USA)
109) Shukri Giama Cagmadhige, Bosasso,
(Somalia)
110) Falhad Ahmed Mohamoud, VA (USA)
111) Mohamoud Mudey Hassan, MN (USA)
112) Ali Muhudin Mohamed, MN (USA)
113) Jibril Mohamoud Jilao, NE (USA)
114) Gargaar Mohamed Hassan, Economist,
Columbus, Ohio (USA)
115) Abdulkadir Abdullahi Jama, Agriculturist,
Columbus, Ohio (USA)
116) Dr. Abdifatah Khalif .H. Farah, Oral
Surgeon, Columbus, Ohio (USA
117) Ali Yusuf Dirie, Agriculturist, Columbus,
Ohio (USA)
118) Mohamoud Mohamed Ali, Engineer, Columbus,
Ohio (USA).
119) Ali Maollim Mouse, TN (USA)
120) Faantoy Omar (Faanka), VA (USA)
121) Shamso Nur, MN (USA)
122) Mohamed Omar Karani, MN (USA)
123) Yasin Abdi jire ( Wiilwaal), (Sweden)
124) Abdikhalaq Mohamoud, (Nederland)
125) Fuad Ibrahim (Fuju) , (Nederland)
126) Hilal Muse Nero, (UK)
127) Jama Warsame, London (UK)
128) Adam Moblen, Naples (Italy)
129) Abdinur Bashir, Naples (Italy)
130) Abdiqani Mohamoud, (Italy)
131) Yasin Mahi Moalim, Nederland
132) Jani Dheere, Stocholm- (Sweden)
133) Abdirashid Issa Ugas, On, Canada
134) Asli Jama Badwi, On, USA
135) Khali Mahdi Abdi, ON (Canada)
136) Abdikarim abdulle (Garweyne) London, UK
137) Abdullahi Farah (Dihal) IL, (USA)
138) Abas Mohamed, VA (USA)
139) Abdirashid Hassan Hirsi, ON (Canada)
140) Mubarak Dhiidhaco, ON (Canada)
141) Mohamed Abdullahi, London, (UK)
142) Samatar Abdullahi, WA, (USA)
143) Ibrahim Ahmed Ali (Shaash), Bonn,
(Germany)
144) Dayib Mohamud Sheikh, DC (USA)
145) Eedaad Hassan Mire, MN (USA)
Abdirahman Warsame
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TERRORISM FREE SOMALIA FOUNDATION tf.sf@hotmail.com