Some Issue Highlights
After producing almost a piece a month throughout the year, it seems that I have covered a lot of ground. Below are nine brief commentaries as my final say before the new year:
1. Brave Aiga Forum. Someone phoned me to express his regret that I went public to complain against Aiga. Given the current situation (e.g., the H.R. 2003 issue), it was not strategic to go after a Diaspora web site that was fiercely fighting to protect the interest of the Ethiopian people, he said. I told him that I was being transparent. My boss once got mad at me for doing a lousy job. I said to him that it was normal to make a mistake. He shot back by saying, “no, this is not your standard”. In a democratic society, you work hard to set your own standard and you better maintain it. This should apply for Aiga as well. Clearly, Aiga is politically biased in favour of EPRDF, but the statement that it fights to protect the interest of Ethiopia should not be an exaggeration. Aiga along with others has been speaking against powerful and well organized Diaspora intellectual and political elites who, in the name of “struggle” for democracy, have been trying to block international aid to Ethiopia, which was very much needed to build health centres, schools, roads, and more importantly, support food security programs. We are still trying to understand why these elites, while living comfortably in the West with their families and extended families – many brought by Ethiopian tax payers money -, organize a movement dedicated to promoting international aid as a tool for political bargaining in Ethiopia. As far as the interest of our relatives is concerned, we are together with Aiga. Keep on the good work!
2. The Rise of counter-vocal Diaspora. This is something that is long overdue. I remember, during the 2005 election, one Addis Ababa-based newspaper asking why public demonstrations, lobbying, etc., in the Diaspora were only pro-opposition (a clear sign of democratic deficiency). The days of vocal Diaspora elites rooming around the capital hill and other centres of political influence unchallenged may soon be over. The silent majority in the Ethiopian Diaspora appreciates the actions of those brave Ethiopians in the Oklahoma City. Senator James Inhofe must be happy to see a group of Ethiopians who share his views on H.R. 2003. But I have a concern. It is no secret that Ethiopian government missions abroad have been exploring political niches (communities) in the Diaspora, so that right now there are many of them across the Western hemisphere. If the growing counter-vocal Diaspora groups are extensions of these communities, and more importantly, if they fail to take middle ground approaches, we are once again to see politically polarized groups battling each other in the Diaspora. It will be once again a betrayal of trust of the silent majority in the Diaspora if counter-vocal Diaspora groups fail to play a politically neutral civil society role. In addition to checking the destructive behaviour and actions of vocal Diaspora groups, the new groups must be politically objective and hold, to the extent possible, Ethiopian ruling elites accountable and transparent in their conduct of business in the name of the Ethiopian people.
3. Balancing our opinion. For many years (actually in most of our years in the Diaspora), we have seen intellectuals (through their writings) highly biased against EPRDF for various reasons. These irresponsible intellectuals continue to write denying that anything good is happening in Ethiopia, while international agencies express optimisms about the pace of the country’s economic growth and progresses in many sectors of development. When the government pardoned CUD leaders, the Ethiopian public was appreciative of this action, while the opposition and their supporters continued their business as usual (no change in their political approaches). Issues like these make EPRDF appear more like a victim of misinformation and politically biased intellectual discourse including people like us going public to defend its track record of performance. The question is whether this “victim” perception is helping EPRDF to get away with some of the issues. In fact, since they anticipate another victory during the next election – thanks to the divided opposition-, the revolutionary democrats may be becoming more and more ignorant. It will be a grave mistake for them to underestimate our political objectivity. We do not share their happy mood for the current crisis within CUD. This is an issue of national importance and the National Election Board of Ethiopia should be pressured to do something about it, such as resolving the whole legality/ownership/membership, etc, issue.
4. The Eritrean
Question.
Ethiopiafirst and Awate web sites facilitated a good online discussion which
made it clear that war was not an option. The discussion also clearly indicated
that both Eritreans and Ethiopians wanted to talk. Nonetheless, we will need to
proceed with caution in order to define realistic expectations all the way.
First, Eritreans should be given a space to talk to each other and reconcile
their differences along the lines of ideology, politics, ethnicity and
religion. Second, if political reconciliation or even reunion is going to be
possible in the future, Eritrean elites will have to think strategically and
begin to identify themselves with the national interest of the Ethiopian
people. There is no doubt that there are Eritreans who encourage and support
groups opposed to Ethiopia’s interests. This, coupled with the current happy
camping of the so-called terrorist groups in Asmara, can further alienate new
generation of Ethiopians who have already grown up without Eritrea. Finally,
both Eritreans and Ethiopians should consider a serious dialogue to identify
and promote mutually beneficial political and economic interests. It will be a
mistake to think that the usual rhetoric of “unity” will provide a viable means
to resolve the issues. Otherwise, the Ethiopian government has managed the
Eritrean issue effectively and, in this regard, we should be careful in how we
direct any criticism toward Ethiopian government officials. Perhaps the
government can show some flexibility in its application of international laws
by not calling Eritreans arriving in Tigray region “refugees”. It also appears that Ethiopian government
media reports on Eritrean refugees are political, deliberately intended to
publicize a legitimacy crisis for the government in Asmara. It is important to
sympathize with the people that had to leave families and communities behind
(in Eritrea). Ethiopia extends a warm welcome to her Eritrean children.
5. Retirement of Meles Zenawi. I have touched on this issue on a few occasions and I would like to do the same here. Let us be clear that the issue is not about Meles. It will be an insult to all Ethiopians to think that Meles is the only smart person in society. It is not also about liking or disliking him. The issue is whether or not his departure from politics at this time has an advantage for the country. Last week, I was blind copied to an angry e-mail about the President of Uganda who persuaded the Ugandan parliament to approve the purchase of his second private jet. A second private jet for a president of a country where the majority of the people are poor? This is a major embarrassment for all Africans. This also proves the thesis of the legendary philosopher Aristotle that power corrupts. Yet, look at also from a context that is specific to Ethiopia. Will EPRDF remain stable when Meles leaves? This issue is important in light of the need for a strong government to deal with the current border stalemate in the North and the Somalia affair. Does Ethiopia have a strong alternative party? Again, this is an important issue. Maybe I am being too realist. Or, maybe I have seen, in my lifetime, elites riding to power in the name of democracy, only to end up doing nothing. Last year or this year, we saw the former President of Zambia in court accused of stealing $35M dollars including purchasing expensive European suits (each costing $5,000). He rode to power by mobilizing support from civil society. In contrast, his predecessor Kenneth Kaunda left power poor, so poor that his party had to find him a modest house to live in. Many say that the poor in Zambia were better off under Kaunda. I presume the Orange Revolution guys of Ukraine did not meet expectations. I can cite more examples. The whole point here is that there is a need for some political realism. Should Meles go because he has been on power for too long? Or, because someone within EPRDF will now do a better job of achieving national consensus on the overall direction of change engulfing the Ethiopian society? Or, because somebody in the opposition can unify the opposition forces, defeat EPRDF during the next election and form a national government? This is how we can approach the issues. Otherwise, Meles can decide for himself.
6. Endorsing Obang Metho as “person of the year”. As usual I laughed and then shook my head when I read Elias Kifle’s list of proposed names for “person of the year” choice. They included Alemayehu Gebremariam, Berhanu Nega, Birtukan Medeksa, Daud Ibsa, Isayas Afewrki and Obang Metho. I said to myself “ok, Alemayehu is the spokesperson for the vocal Diaspora; Berhanu is a political disaster; Birtukan is an innocent young woman whose image has given crisis-ridden CUD a human face; Daud is a desperate and confused OLF leader; Isayas also a desperate and confused dictator; and, finally, Obang is..”. I stopped to reflect on him. Actually, Obang is an interesting man. He holds no secret about standing to defend the interest of Anuak people. And I don’t think we should have an issue when someone represents the interest of his/her own ethnic group; in fact, we wish many of those Addis Ababa elites are more open and honest like Obang, instead of disguising their deep tribal and ethnic leanings under the rhetoric of “national unity”, modernity, intellectual discourse, and so on. Perhaps Obang could have given EPRDF a credit for giving the people of Gambella a chance for self-rule. In spite of this, most of the time Obang preaches love, peace and unity. This is very constructive in a situation where the rhetoric of “unity” is often misused even by reactionary political elites to mobilize support. Imagine how much Ethiopians can get inspired when someone like Obang identifies himself with a remote area of Ethiopia and speaks about unity and peace with a passion. If Meles Zenawi has been able to reorganize the Ethiopian society and pave the way for development, people like Obang will be able to bring full national consensus to sustain Ethiopia’s development. I am pleased to endorse Obang as the person of the year of the Ethiopian Diaspora.
7. Getachew
Reda, Elias Kifle and Tecola Hagos. What do these three men have in common? Self-confidence.
That is why they always speak first, setting the trends. Despite being a
fanatic, Elias influences Diaspora public opinion; his “investigation” was what
stirred up the crisis within CUD. Getachew Reda has so much energy that he
never gets tired of writing. Tecola Hagos remains one of the most open and
honest intellectuals of our time.
8. Do remittances
cause problems?
There is a long tradition of debate on the developmental impact of remittances
which have in recent years exceeded the total IDA (International Development
Association) assistance to developing countries. The argument is that
remittances help families to meet basic needs and also support income
generation and other entrepreneurial activities. There is also another factor
that I do not often see it reflected in the literature. Remittances are
changing existing social structures. An example is a peasant who affords to buy
an expensive drink such as a beer or whisky or a single woman, who is a petty-traders,
who affords to send her children to a private school, all thanks to money sent
by a relative who leaves overseas. In contrast, even the top government
bureaucrats struggle to have ends met. The first example, heavy drinking and
even adultery (very risky at the time of HIV/AIDS pandemic), creates serious
social problems and the Ethiopian government should be aware of it as well as
find a way to ensure that our remittances are used for socially and
economically productive purposes.
9. Diaspora
Mobilization 101.
We suspect that the Ethiopian government business of mobilizing the Diaspora
has not been an easy venture, to the extent of perhaps creating a pressure on
Ethiopian diplomats to deliver results. I am therefore pleased to present
Diaspora Mobilization 101 – simple and easy.
A)
Identify
targets. There is a misconception by African and international agencies in
general that educated people are more important than the mass of the African
Diaspora. Compare a cap driver and director of public or private sector firm.
The cap driver earns cash and keeps the money in his pocket or bank account.
The director arranges (by law) a payroll deduction for his retirement pension.
What this shows us is that the mass of the Diaspora can hold a lot of cash for
investment, compared with educated people.
B)
Communicate
effectively. Because the Ethiopian government targets educated Diaspora
Ethiopians, its outreaching strategy remains elitist. By elites I mean that
there has been more emphasis on using formal communication channels such as
formal meetings and use of information communication technologies to
disseminate information. But, approximately 70% of Ethiopians in the Diaspora
can be either compute illiterate, do not have computers or do not attend formal
meetings. Conclusion: aim communication and outreaching activities to reach the
masses.
C)
Communicate
to bond. By bonding means creating some comfort level. Having grown up under repressive regimes and
living in a tense Diaspora political climate, Ethiopians in the Diaspora may
not have adequate confidence in anything that government representatives say.
There is also another important factor. Here in the West, we have got used to
descent and well-mannered government and private sector bureaucrats. The
Ethiopian style bureaucratic behaviour turns us off. An Ethiopian Diaspora
community worker from Western Canada once told that she was able to mobilize
all the women in her community to contribute thousands of injera in preparation
for participation during a public festival. I asked her “how?”. She said “I beg
them” ( ስሞትልሽ። ይህን
ባታደርጊ፡ በቃ
አንቺና እኔ
ተቆራርጠን አንቀራለን).
In my experience, we used to print out and circulate meeting notices which read
with commanding tone, “every Ethiopian is invited to participate!” or “your
participation is required!”. We were
not successful. All this is to say that Ethiopian diplomats should abandon
diplomatic protocols and go informal to connect with people of the Ethiopian
Diaspora.
D)
Disseminate
information. Do two things: a) prepare brochures, pamphlets, newsletters,
report syntheses, etc, that present social, economic and investment
information. The government should develop a positive attitude towards sharing
information; b) employ the right people with competitive wages. Our Diaspora
communities have now produced young people who know how to enter the urban
jungle, locate every point of Ethiopian interaction and disseminate
information. During social events or occasions, these young people will not be
afraid to rise and talk about their jobs and share information. The expenses
from competitive wages will pay off.
Happy
New Year!
Getachew
Mequanent
Ottawa,
Canada
December
2007