The Coming
of Dejazmatch and Fitawrari: the Wars
of New Nobility in Ethiopian Politics
By Tsegaye Tegenu
The
recent turmoil in the Andnet political party (Unity
Party) forced me to write this piece. Even if I am not a member to any
political party, just like any other ordinary Ethiopians I am following the
political developments in Ethiopia very closely. The quarrels and the split first within Kinjit and now in Unity Party reminded me the political
organization of the Era of Princes (1632-1855). During this period, area and
military administration were based on an organization system called
aleqa-chifra (chief-followers). The Aleqa had
different titles, of which the title of Dejazmatch and Fitawrari were prominent
due to high status and power conferred to the office holders. Fitawrari,
commander-in-chief of the royal army, was responsible for the central
administration and campaign of the royal troops. During peaceful time the
fitawrari commanded the chifra (retainers and soldiers) of palace troops. The
title Dejazmatch (commander of the rear) was given to a provincial governor and
was entitled to possess private chifra who provided civil
and military services in the governor’s court. This title emerged during the
time of King Serse Dengel (1563-1597). For details on the military organization
and functions see Tsegaye 1996, Ethiopian Absolutism...
In
the Era of Princes, there were constant recruitment of followers, military
campaigns and conflicts based on gult-land-tax rights,
titles and offices. In a situation when there was low agricultural productivity
upward mobility could only be met at the expense of the other partner and thus
no surprise if there were wars among office holders. Before going to war, however,
the tradition was such that an official letter was sent at first calling for
peaceful resolution of the conflict and when that fails an army was sent to get
submission. In such conflict those who paid the high price, both in life and
resources were always the chifras of the aleqas. Even
if the era of princes was gone, I can argue that the aleqa-chifra mentality is
still present in the Ethiopia politics represented by the old generation
politicians. The difference between the current old generation politicians and
the Dejazmatch and Fitawrari
of the era of princes is that the former have no military origin like the latter.
Following the European history, I may call old generation politicians as the
new nobility or nobles de l'éducation (nobles of the
educated elite).
My
observation of their current and past political activity is that the essence of
conflict within the nobles de l'éducation is personal
ego. These politicians are concerned mainly about their title and position,
since control over party economy is conferred by the power of the office. In their
squabble, it does not make any difference to know who the culprit is since the
end game is clear. It is like choosing between a Dejazmatch
and Fitawrari, they are of the same ilk. Indeed the views of their
followers matters and hence one may advice me that it may not be my business to
air comment as I am not contributing membership fee. My concern is about the fate
of the chifra, very unfortunately, the youth organized
in the parties hoping for better future. I think the nobles de l'éducation are exploiting our cultural tolerance or ignorance
of their behavior. May be by calling them as Dejazmatch
and Fitawrari, it might be possible to bring an end
the dragging of the youth in their play of “giving a lesson to each other”. If
viewed from demography, they will be around in the political scene for the next
ten years.
As a
research in population economics, I study the life trajectories of young adults (15-34) and this age group
constitutes 34% of the Ethiopian population, according to 2007 census. This age
group needs education, employment, marriage, housing and first birth, all occurring
in a sequence manner and in a short interval time period between them. Under
the present condition, the Ethiopian youth is experiencing only one or two of
the events for long duration, without transition to another event. Because life
is stuck in one position there is deep frustration among the Ethiopian youth.
Instead of creating opportunities for a proper sequence and timing of these
events, the new Dejazmatch and Fitawrari are
fighting for their own title and office, and the Ethiopian youth is used as chifra (follower). I wish the nobles de l'éducation
use their energy to change the life of the youth. In my next posting I will
discuss how and where to put the fighting energy: I will explore on the concept
of industrial decentralization as a policy option for creation of productive
and rapid employment for the Ethiopian youth.