Let us Think Positive

__________________________________

These days all the debate is about Ethiopian government policy on Somalia. This is a matter of national importance and we appreciate all those who are contributing to our understanding of the issues. Maybe I will have my own turn on this. In this piece, I want to pass two key messages focused on domestic and Diaspora issues. First, I would like to continue emphasizing the need for our engagement with EPRDF. This is a party that makes and breaks things every day and the outcomes have effects on the lives of our relatives. I am not suggesting that we go online to insult Prime Minister Meles Zenawi and other national leaders or write letters to Western politicians to discredit their performances. I am suggesting that we commit ourselves to making intelligent and constructive criticism of the policies and practices of the Ethiopian government.

Secondly, let us think positive about the Diaspora political movements. I met the Ethiopian Ambassador to Canada His Excellency Getachew Hamussa and two of his diplomatic staff. We had a frank discussion that touched many issues. I came away from this meeting feeling good. Compare this with Maru Gubena’s (www.EthioipiaFirst.com) account of intimidation and harassment by some Diaspora opposition elements to silence their critiques. Nevertheless, as Tecola Hagos once wrote, the notion that “two wrongs make right” is counter-productive. That is why I have changed my mind about ignoring Diaspora politics. I actually want to be optimistic and hope that the current political anarchy within the Diaspora CUD camp would produce a positive outcome by generating a critical thinking of the whole Diaspora political strategy.

Below I provide two examples of positive thinking. Here, let me pause and say a few things about Diaspora intellectuals. The lesson that we learn from our intellectuals is that we should strictly adhere to the values and ethnic of our professional training. This will guarantee us self-respect and the respect of our communities. After wasting their valuable time writing propaganda literature (that did a lot to paint a negative image on this proud ancient nation, Ethiopia) and then after witnessing the Diaspora political fiasco, many of the Diaspora intellectuals are now suffering from self-embarrassment to the extent of going into self-imposed seclusion. One can be a supporter of the opposition or ruling parties and still think and write about positive things that encourage the nurturing of good results of policies and programs of the Ethiopian government and suggest ways of rectifying things that have not worked well.

On EPRDF

Things are looking good for EPRDF. The major opposition parties threw their support behind the Ethiopian government’s policy on Somalia (we still hope that this issue will be dealt with peacefully). The vocal Diaspora is divided; even the “civil society” (anti-foreign aid) lobby groups (better known for their letter writing skills) are silent. Despite concerns about inflation, the outlook on the Ethiopian economy is good. EPRDF’s policy has been rated high for its “inclusiveness” (let us hope that it works to reduce inflation and improve the purchasing power of our relatives). The Inquiry Commission released its report and the defection of two members of the Commission has done little to affect the credibility of the report. During the recent Africa-China summit, Prime Minister Meles took the number one spot (perhaps an indication of his rising international statesmanship). There can be other examples.

But there are a lot of issues. One of them is nurturing and strengthening the democratization process. I therefore argue that EPRDF leaders use the current political unity in the Ethiopian parliament as an opportunity to extend encouragement and support for resource-poor opposition political parties and independent members of parliament (MPs). Meles and others may still have a negative feeling about opposition parties as a result of their traumatic experience with the 2005 post-election stalemate. As a matter of fact, for the past 18 months the ruling and opposition parties and their supporters have been deadlocked in “blame-the-other-side” argument for every mishap during this historic election. It is time to consider the notion that “two wrongs do not make right”. More importantly, EPRDF leaders have citizenship and public responsibilities to promote the long-term interest of the Ethiopian people. Once we begin articulating the “developmental state” as an agent of societal changes, we should also articulate politics in the context of development whose goals include fostering the building of capacity of alternative democratic forces in Ethiopian society.

Priority should be given to supporting the opening of constituency offices of opposition MPs across the country. Two examples of what EPRDF can do:

1) Provide financial support. I quite frankly did not investigate how the current system in Ethiopia works in terms of political parties accessing public funds. In Canada new federal political parties automatically qualify for federal government funding if they get the support of a certain percentage of voters.

Without local opposition constituency offices, Ethiopians cannot see the reality of political pluralism under federalism. There are also direct benefits for EPRDF; for example, when opposition parties are locally active, EPRDF local branches begin feeling the pressure and so they will become more competitive and innovative. When there are competing political activities at the local level, people are enabled access to different avenues of getting information on national issues. Come election time and they will vote for the party that promises to address bread and butter issues, instead of being swayed by election rhetoric.

The main function of parliamentary democracy is to ensure an oversight of decision-making and implementation processes. To do this, opposition MPs must have a capacity to analyze and understand policies and programs being carried out across the country. They need sufficient resources such as support staff.

We sincerely hope that EPRDF leaders will take advantage of the current positive political climate in the Ethiopian parliament to adapt conciliatory and compromising approaches towards the opposition parties.

On the Diaspora

Diaspora UEDF is doing ok, even though it has not yet settled its differences with the (mother) UEDF party in Ethiopia (I am not aware of a new development). Ethiopians particularly appreciate UEDF’s stand on some of the controversial issues including the formation of AFD (Alliance for Freedom and Democracy). We are more concerned with the Diaspora CUD, as this group continues to pose a challenge for Diaspora communities and Ethiopian society. Previously we blamed the Diaspora CUD’s uncompromising stand with the post-election stalemate including agitating violence on former Dergue officials who, understandably, wanted nothing less than the removal of EPRDF from power. This time the crisis is internal and it does not spill over to the Ethiopian society. But it can have potential to further polarize Diaspora communities, to the delight of some groups (in our own communities) who do not have the interest of Ethiopians at heart.

Currently there are two main contenders in the Diaspora CUD camp. The first group is led by Andargachew Tsegie and others. It is ridiculous to label this group a “TPLF infiltrator”. Having read reviews of Birhanu Nega’s book, Lidetu Ayalew’s response to this book, as well as many other commentaries on the organizational problems of CUDP, we should know by now that the Kestedemenas (members of the Rambo Party) are politically ambitious people. They set about to challenge the leadership of Major Yoseph Yazew and this set of the long anticipated division within the Diaspora CUD.

The second group is Major Yoseph’s group. The tough Major has been heavily criticized for his old-style leadership. But he got our sympathy when he was labeled “incompetent” because he could not read e-mail. Having lived through times of political turmoil, Ethiopians would like to see stability and so they would want charismatic leaders, not revolutionary “demagogues”. I tend to think that the majority of Ethiopians in the Diaspora may choose to stick with the Major.

I am going to pass on commenting as to whether the two contenders (Andargachew’s group vs Major Yoseph’s group) will reconcile their differences. However, allow me to say that I have lived long enough in the Diaspora to know that our Diaspora political elites fight today and then come back together in three months time to form another organization (and make a mockery of it again).

As I noted earlier, the current crisis within the Diaspora CUD could encourage critical thinking on the Diaspora participation in the affairs of Ethiopia. That is why I also call up on all Ethiopian major political parties, particularly CUDP, UEDF, UEDP-Medhin and EPRDF, to resume dialogue with Diaspora political groups. Ethiopian missions abroad can play a role in this. There are now Diaspora liaison officers in Ethiopian embassies. Ethiopian Ambassadors should be given a strong mandate to initiate dialogue with Diaspora groups as a first step towards organizing high-level discussions aimed at bringing these groups to the Ethiopian political arena. Excluding them in the political process will only lead to their isolation and harden their conviction that the political situation in the country is not improving. I remember my former supervisor (now a friend of mine) telling me how her Polish immigrant father and his buddies were bitterly talking about communist rule in Poland, even though the Polish people had overthrown communism more than a decade ago. The reason was that some of the Polish immigrants had not been in touch with the reality of their home country. The analogy here is clear. Except perhaps individuals and groups who fear that they will be caught and persecuted for their past crimes - there is no guarantee that a future non-EPRDF government will treat them differently - I believe that most of the Diaspora groups now favour peaceful dialogue with EPRDF and the major opposition parties.

Getachew Mequenent
Ottawa, Canada,
December 2006

home